   Why is it that the more we were told not to do something, the more we want to do it? The pandemic constantly tempts people to transgress protocols, and in the moment of weakness, when one’s guard is down, infection happens. For almost two years now, we’ve been desensitizing ourselves with the discourse of safety and health. Hope is as scarce as the Paracetamol tablets sold in drugstores at the beginning of 2022. But not everything is bleak for the Peter Isherwoods of the world. The capitalists acting hand in hand with the government prove that in a crisis, there is business.

   Picture this: You enter the grocery store, wearing your mask and face shield, sanitizer held at the ready. You raise your wrist in front of a thermometer, scan the ubiquitous QR code posted by the management, nod at the security guard, and then go shopping. When you are about to pay, there is a queue in front of you and then looking down, there you see those seemingly “new” signs on the floor telling you where to stand or wait. But they’re not new, in fact, they have always been there. What’s new is the circumstance that we are currently going through. What if you did not look down? Will you leave a 1m, 1.5m, or 2m space from the person in front of you? Since we cannot measure right away the exact space, we tend to look for a marker to guide us or give the exact spot where we should wait. Of course, this is not the same for everyone. Some would treat these floor markings with disregard, pretend not to see, or openly do the complete opposite of what these markers intend for people to do. What should these signs contain in terms of visuals, language, and even their placement to make social actor/s follow them? These floor markings then “need to be impactful enough to be adhered to, but also, ideally, to reassure people without making them feel cattle-driven” (Hudson, 2020). Linguistic landscape study offers a way of examining the language on public and private signs, such as floor markings around us, as it is a multi- and inter-disciplinary field. Landry and Bourhis (1997) provided informational and symbolic functions as two basic functions of the linguistic landscape of a territory (p. 25), but sometimes, the boundary between these two becomes blurry.

   This study endeavors to look at floor markings through the lens of geosemiotics and Pierre Bourdieu's theory of symbolic capital while analyzing the language by utilizing the speech act theory.

Geosemiotics

Scollon & Scollon (2003) introduced the term geosemiotics, which aims to study what’s inside (social actor, interaction order, and visual semiotics) and outside (place semiotics) of the frame integrated into a single perspective. Geosemiotics is an “integrative view of multiple semiotic systems” (p. 12) that form meanings in places. They looked at multiple semiotic systems at play to prove that choice is implied in all actions. This choice does not necessarily apply to our compliance with these floor markings, but it also applies to us as signs ourselves. Goffman, as cited by Scollon & Scollon, differentiated between the terms give expression and give off expression, with the latter being intentional production of meaning and the former as unintentional (p. 56). What kind of expression do we give (or give off) while standing (or not) on these floor markings? How do these floor markings affect our social interactions and vice versa?

Floor markings may prescribe a specific distance of 1 meter, 1.5 meters, 2 meters, and so on, and we ask ourselves, does it really matter? Interpersonal distance becomes “a crucial resource by which we geosemiotically embody significant meanings about ourselves and about others and about our relationships” (p. 54). Goffman’s notion of single and ‘with’ as discussed by Scollon & Scollon emphasizes that the ‘with’ experiences social interaction more than the single in the interaction order; that being a single publicly makes one socially marginalized. Floor markings designate only one person per marking, promoting individuality amid restrictions. Aside from our own choices regarding these floor markings, we also observe how other people treat those markers as part of their everyday lives. Admit it or not, we issue judgment on them whether they follow the signs or not. I also mentioned civil inattention in my answers in discussion forums, and how it is all right for strangers to not interact even if they are forced into each other’s intimate or personal spaces (e.g., jam-packed trains, airport queues, etc.). Floor markings regulate the distance and space that each person shall take, and would that affect their interactions with one other even if they do (or do not) know each other? On civil inattention, Scollon & Scollon surmise that “the trick is in the very delicate balance of glancing and looking away” (p. 60). They also connected civil inattention with Kress and van Leeuwen’s offer. Looking down could mean avoidance of eye contact, a form of submission, an offer to be scrutinized, or gazed upon. However, looking down could also mean that one is making sure where to step on, checking the phone, or just reading the floor markings on the floor. The last option presupposes that there is something written on those markings. The linguistic component of the floor markings is where we will apply the speech act theory.

Speech Acts

The words or sentences on the floor markings are worth looking into, as they not only carry the intention of the sign-maker but also perform an act. Austin (1962) said that “the uttering of the sentence is, or is a part of, the doing of an action, which again would not normally be described as, or as ‘just,’ saying something” (p. 5). He calls these utterances performatives, as they perform different kinds of actions rather than say or express something. Let me quote directly from Austin:

It has come to be seen that many specially perplexing words embedded in apparently descriptive statements do not serve to indicate some specially odd additional feature in the reality reported, but to indicate (not to report) the circumstances in which the statement is made or reservations to which it is subject or the way in which it is to be taken and the like. To overlook these possibilities in the way once common is called the descriptive fallacy. (p. 3)

Furthermore, he categorized the speech acts into three: the locutionary act which covers a range of different acts, including the phonetic, the phatic, and the rhetic acts; the illocutionary act which is conventional and has a certain force in saying something; and the perlocutionary act which is the achieving of certain effects by saying something (as cited in Alattar, 2014). On the other hand, Searle (also cited in Alattar, 2014) outlined five types of illocutionary acts: 1) assertives which are employed to form in the addressee a specific idea, proposition, or belief, 2) directives that focus on calling the addressee to action, yet do not require the sender to reciprocate any action of his own, 3) commissives which relate to committing oneself to a future action, 4) expressives which are based on psychological states and relate to the expression of feelings or emotions to the receiver and, 5) declaratives which have the purpose of the speaker bringing into existence the state of affairs described in the propositional content of the message (p. 6). Of course, an utterance may contain one or more speech acts, and theorists after Austin and Searle have always been searching for clearer, distinct, and unambiguous categories of speech acts. For example, Bach & Harnish (cited in Alattar) classified illocutionary acts based on expressed attitudes of the speaker that resulted in a rich diversity of speech act types (p. 8). According to Searle, a speech act can have three possibilities: it may be unsuccessful, successful but defective, successful, and non-defective (p. 13). Illocutionary acts have to satisfy certain conditions to perform something. These conditions are called felicity conditions which are concerned with the purpose of the utterance, not just its grammatical soundness. In the case of requests, there are four conditions:

Preparatory condition - The hearer is able to perform the act.
Sincerity condition - The speaker wants the hearer to perform the act.
Propositional content - Predicates a future act by the hearer
Essential condition - Counts as an attempt by the speaker to get the hearer to do the act

Figure 1: Floor marking in Skechers, Ayala Malls TriNoma

Thus, if one or more of these conditions remain unfulfilled, it renders the utterance infelicitous. In figure 1 above, the utterance at first glance looks like an acknowledgment due to the phrase thank you, but it also functions as a request. It satisfies the first condition assuming that the hearer (potential customer) is able to practice social distancing. Regarding the fourth condition, there is a subtle nod to the relationship between the customer and the store’s management; the latter was not issuing a direct order, but instead, a reminder or request that the former observes the sign on the floor. The utterance also predicts that the hearer will commit the act by already saying “thank you.” Interestingly, unlike other floor markers that direct people to stand “here,” this marker does not index a specific location, as long as they practice social distancing by 2 meters as specified on the floor marking.

A Safe Sanctuary: Ayala Malls Trinoma

Figure 2: A cropped screenshot of the Ayala Malls website

This is how the official website of Ayala Malls TriNoma markets one of the most popular malls in the North (of Metro Manila, that is). Not as exclusive as the Vertis North, nor as crowded as the SM North EDSA, TriNoma’s charm lies in its being a sanctuary and escape because of the diversity the mall and its management promotes. Such is the promise of the advertisements of the mall, even on its social media pages. However, when the pandemic happened, the focus shifted to the health protocols and additional safety measures to ensure that mall-goers can safely shop in TriNoma. Moreover, what struck me the most among these new signs in the mall is the appearance of floor stickers like this (see Figure 3). Most of these stickers appear at least every 5 meters from each other on the walkways inside and outside the mall premises. They remain consistent in reminding people to "mind" their distance, while not as strict as to prescribe a specific figure like 1 meter, 6 feet, etc. The markings' simplicity and adherence to the mall’s trademark colors make it noticeable to passersby, and while its circular shape beckons to you to step on it, the floor markings serve as a guide and reminder to shoppers that they should always keep in mind the health protocols being implemented in the mall without explicitly stating it.

Figure 3: A photo of a floor marking on walkways inside Ayala Malls TriNoma

Scollon & Scollon (2003) noted that most shopping malls implement a continuum with a uniform design principle across the whole establishment which is the influence of globalization, as well as the dominance of English as the standard language in the signs found in shopping malls (p. 122). In Ayala Malls TriNoma, yellow and orange appear as the standard colors in signs posted in abundance in neutral territory inside and outside the mall, serving as the ‘official’ signs posted by the mall management. However, when inside or within the vicinity of a particular store, the store adopts its own customized set of signs addressed to its target customers. Such is the case in Landmark TriNoma’s Department Store versus its Foodcourt; the department store contains floor markings in two different shapes serving distinct functions. The circular ones with an arrow inside are placed in intervals along the hallways, while the square ones with left and right shoe prints are located in front of each counter where shoppers pay for their selected items.

Figure 4: Floor markings in Landmark Department Store

In Landmark Foodcourt, the markings took a turn for better and more stimulating visuals compared to the simple ones in the department store. A pair of green sneakers lent a casual feel to the atmosphere of the food court, implying that diners here are those who like to keep things ‘chill.’ The use of the politeness marker ‘please’ soften the directive and the verbs ‘keep’ and ‘stay’ do not require the addressee to do anything actively. I find it interesting that there are two logos in every marker, one for Landmark and another for the partner brand, in this case, Golden Oil. When we walked around the dine-in area, the partner brand’s logo would change randomly. I wondered then about the motive behind the change. Is the management maximizing the space for the advertisement of the brands?

Gorter (2013) outlined four sociological structuration principles of the theoretical foundations of one of the pioneer studies in linguistic landscape, particularly on the degree of visibility of Hebrew, Arabic, and English on signs (Ben-Rafael, Shohamy, Amara, and Trumper-Hecht, 1998, 2006) and two of those include Goffman’s presentation of self and the good-reasons perspective. The first one considers the floor markings as a representation of the business’ ‘self,’ while the second uses that representation to calculate and anticipate the behavior of the consumers. Shohamy (as cited by Gorter) calls the linguistic landscape a “public arena,” where ideologies are continuously perpetuated (p. 10), and it is our job to recognize them.

Figure 5: Floor markings in Landmark Foodcourt

Landry and Bourhis (1997) categorize signs in commercial establishments as private signs, while Scollon & Scollon (2003) describe shopping malls as “complex and sometimes ambiguous public places” because malls are privately owned, but the public has access to them, in turn, causing discourses and semiotic systems they contain to overlap and interact with each other which makes the malls a semiotic aggregate (p. 12). Places like the food court, where the interaction order includes a service encounter, and then, after getting the food, the table and chairs available for dine-in can also be a place for conversations to demonstrate the overlap. However, Covid-19 protocols force dining establishments to restrict the number of people per table. This makes conversation difficult to sustain, plus it is not advisable to eat for a long time due to the risk of exposure to the virus. Lou (2017) explored the dialogical relationship between spaces of consumption and senses of place by conducting an ethnolinguistic study in three markets in Hong Kong for three years. She found out that the sense of place in the markets “emerges from the human interactions with semiotic and material resources” (p. 528). In this regard, semiotic aggregates like a shopping mall thrive on the social interaction of people in commercial establishments.

Symbolic Capital

According to Bourdieu, the forms of capital, such as the economic, cultural, and social capital represent an individual’s standing in the society (cited in Siisiäinen, 2000). Economic capital refers to the material and financial assets of an individual, while social capital involves one’s network of social relationships, and lastly, cultural capital refers to the knowledge acquired and environment of the individual while growing up. Each type of capital does not exist independently of the other, one could influence the other and vice versa. For example, rich people are most likely connected with other rich people, thus, giving them more opportunities to gain favor to acquire better work opportunities or other things they may desire.

In linguistic landscape studies, Lees (2021) contributed the translator’s desire to appear correct and globalized for the customers to symbolic capital. This kind of capital builds on “being known and recognized and is more or less synonymous with: standing, good name, honor, fame, prestige, and reputation” (Bourdieu as cited in Siisiäinen, 2000). Symbolic capital includes all forms of credit of social recognition and trust, which may be exploited by companies to entice potential customers into doing business with them. Analyzing a floor marking such as this (see Figure 6 below) requires the researcher to examine visual semiotics (i.e., modality, font type and size, colors, use of the Japanese geta (下駄) instead of the usual shoe/footprint, etc.), interaction order (i.e., target audience, single or with, queue, etc.), and place semiotics (i.e., discourse, position and placement in the actual store, etc.). Then the researcher would look at the linguistic component of the sign and ask, what does the use of the preposition ‘for’ combined with the pronoun ‘you’ imply? How did the politeness marker ‘please’ help achieve the act intended by the directive?

Figure 6: Floor marking in Tokyo Tokyo, Ayala Malls TriNoma

On a deeper level of analysis, the discourse highlights the importance of safety and its assurance foregrounds the trust from the consumer to the business and trust is a “potential component” of symbolic capital and “can be exploited in the practice of symbolic power and symbolic exchange” (Siisiäinen, 2000). Gergs (2003) cites Podolny’s research on investment banks and the concept of social status. The importance of reputation was emphasized, especially in markets “characterized by a high degree of uncertainty,” he then correlates the high degree of certainty to higher social aspects of the market process (p. 30). As such, the main question that we aim to answer in this study is this: How do floor markings reflect the symbolic capitalism of commercial establishments?

The following are the sub-questions:

How do positioning and placement of floor markings affect the social interaction in commercial establishments?
How is language used in floor markings?
Are there significant differences between floor markings inside and outside different commercial establishments in Ayala Malls TriNoma?

Data and Methodology

On November 30, 2021, I ventured to Ayala Malls TriNoma to take photos of floor markings found inside and outside the stores there. Aside from the floor markings/stickers found in Landmark TriNoma, I managed to gather 61 photos of floor markings from 1:00 pm to 5:00 pm further categorized according to function: between shopping (36 stores), dining (19 restaurants/kiosks), and entertainment (6 stores). Scollon & Scollon’s geosemiotic framework was used to analyze the visual semiotics, interaction order, and the place semiotics in relation to the language on the floor markings. 8 out of 61 (13%) floor markings only contain images or icons, so they were excluded from the analysis of the linguistic component. Utterances in 53 floor markings were encoded and analyzed using Austin’s framework of the speech act theory. They were categorized using Searle’s classification of illocutionary acts: assertives, directives, commissives, expressives, and declaratives. The data analysis also includes the examination of deviating floor markings (i.e., those in unconventional visuals, modality, linguistic component, etc.) concerning Bourdieu's notion of symbolic capital.

Analysis

The following table summarizes the gathered data by categorizing them into Searle’s classification of illocutionary acts. Three out of the five were observed in the floor markings. 62% of the markings contain directives (whether implicit or explicit), expressives make up 23% of the signs, while assertives 15%.

Category	Directives	Expressives	Assertives	N/A	TOTAL
Shopping	17	8	6	5	36
Dining	12	4	1	2	19
Entertainment	4	0	1	1	6
TOTAL	33	12	8	8	61

In stores categorized under shopping, 6 out of 36 prescribed a specific distance in their floor markings. Most of the stores used their brand colors and logo to distinguish their markings from those signs posted by the mall management. However, high-end luxury stores do not feel the need to attach their brand to the floor markings. Some do away with simple markings or arrows instead of customized floor markings. Gergs (2003) correlates this “confidence” of business to “high consumer loyalty,” where known businesses do not feel the need to attract more customers due to their large following. Despite this factor, politeness markers like ‘please’ and ‘thank you’ are still prevalent in the majority of the markings compared to stores in other categories.

The majority of the signs contain the phrase social distance, which according to Scollon & Scollon (guided by Hall’s work), allows people to treat each other civilly but without interpersonal engagement with someone else in the same space. This definition is at face value as most would define social distance with regards to social standing, or recently, in the Oxford online dictionary, it is defined as the “physical distance maintained between individuals in order to avoid catching or transmitting an infectious disease.” The Covid-19 pandemic triggered neologisms and the appropriation of old terms in our vocabulary. It also shifted the discourse in dining establishments from the usual quality of the food to safety. The most frequently occurring words in signs are ‘care,’ ‘safe,’ and ‘safety,’ giving the impression that as long as the food is prepared safely, other factors like taste take second or third priority. Ironically, floor markings in fast food restaurants do not usually prescribe the usual 1-meter distance between customers due to space constraints or as a strategy to attract more customers. Politeness markers as face-saving strategies are also found on these signs. They aim to soften the directive of the establishment in regulating the flow of people, especially during busy hours when it becomes difficult to maintain social distance. Alattar (2014) observed that there is a “difference between urging the hearer to do something and only suggesting he do it” which lies in the strength of the speaker's expressed intention or desire that the hearer does it (p. 9). Therefore, customers who visit a certain establishment with a certain sign can be compelled to take action depending on the intention behind that sign. Let us look at some of the differences in the strength of intention and visuals in some of the signs studied:

Figure 7: Floor marking in Kashieca, Ayala Malls TriNoma

This floor marking makes use of the expression “OMG!”, a distinct rectangular shape, and brand colors, but not the brand name or logo. By saying, “We missed you so much!” the lengthy lockdown that prevented shoppers from coming to the store was referenced. This was contrasted by the direct order (STAND HERE) and the politeness marker (Please) to remind customers of physical distancing. Interestingly, Kashieca is a local fashion brand for women, and making use of this kind of floor marking reflects their brand’s aim to define femininity. It is also a marketing strategy that hopes to appear warm and friendly by using informal language to establish a relationship with the consumers or identify with them.

Figure 8: Floor marking in Steve Madden, Ayala Malls TriNoma

Steve Madden’s visually shocking floor marking does not direct customers to stand on it. It contains left and right arrows to indicate that customers should steer clear of the marking. There is only a declaration of safety being the store’s priority, as well as the gratitude to customers for helping the business achieve it. In this manner, social distancing is implemented by the store assuming without explicit directions. On the other hand, the brand’s colors, logo, and name were not observable in the marking. The realistic image of a woman wearing pink sunglasses and a leopard print mask indicates an offer to the customer while referencing the pandemic. Furthermore, the absence of locals in the store and the woman in the image’s blonde hair and blue eyes imply that this is an international designer brand that ordinary Filipinos cannot afford.

Figure 9: Floor marking in Jo Malone, Ayala Malls TriNoma

These floor markings transcend boundaries as they are just sets of shoe prints throughout the store. There are no circles around the prints that function as arrows to show the way to the cashier. Jo Malone’s markings may have been there pre-Covid due to their ambiguity. This could also be their strategy to appear classic and minimalist to establish identity with their products and customers.

Figure 10: Floor marking in Llao Llao, Ayala Malls TriNoma

The play on the words ‘for your’ (replaced by ‘froyo’ which means frozen yogurt) and the distinct size and shape of the floor markings in Llao Llao highly demonstrate its symbolic capital. Its use of lowercase letters, politeness marker, brand colors, distinct font, and words like care and safety contribute to its intention of identifying with its customers. Standing on the marker implies that the customer would be safe because the business declares that it cares for their safety. As an afterthought, social distancing was also written at the bottom of the floor marking.

Figure 11: Floor markings in UCC, Ayala Malls TriNoma

Unlike other stores that make their business appear as consumer-friendly as possible, UCC adopts a floor marking that looks like an official top-down sign due to the striped yellow and black border of the sign at the entrance. Another factor to consider is the presence of a security guard stationed at the entrance of the cafe. The sign also contains images (a person wearing a mask and two people maintaining 1 meter of distance between them), making UCC the only cafe/restaurant observed that has a floor marking that promotes 1-meter distance (even converted in feet = 3 feet). This shows the adherence of the cafe to strict health protocols in the country, which could be beneficial to the business as safety is now prioritized over everything else however, some customers may find the strict adherence off-putting.

Figure 12: Floor markings in The Coffee Bean and Tea Leaf, Ayala Malls TriNoma

The Coffee Bean and Tea Leaf thrives in a variety of their floor markings. It directly addresses the consumer waiting in line and uses expressives, directives, and assertives to make the consumers follow them on social media, wait, anticipate their favorite drink, and feel entitled to receiving a temporary space while waiting for overpriced coffee. This strategy also says a lot about the target audience of the signs (e.g., those who have social media, the young and trendy, etc.), afraid that they would get bored of conventional, redundant markings. Indeed, this business cares more about its symbolic capital by sparing time and effort to design these floor markings to appear as exciting as their customers.

Figure 13: Floor marking in Time Zone, Ayala Malls TriNoma

Honestly, this sign sparked the fire in me to continue this study. Its direct order to “SPREAD FUN” and the caution to stay 1 meter apart while doing it presupposes that ‘fun’ can be spread without physical contact and is contagious (just like the virus that we were all cautioned not to spread). Categorized under entertainment, this establishment suffered losses during the lockdown and strict implementation of health restrictions due to not being an essential product or service.

Conclusion

   This study found that there are two kinds of floor markings: those that urge you to stand around them and those that direct you to stand on top of them. It is our choice as consumers whether we follow those signs or not. Furthermore, the size, placement, and prescribed distance on floor markings found in each store are related to the business’ projected profit, target clientele, and symbolic capital. Small businesses spend the time, money, and effort to widen their reach by customizing the signs found in their physical and online stores, while some multinational corporations seldom feel the need to customize their floor stickers/markings with their brand name or logo due to established high consumer loyalty. The majority of the linguistic component tends to be ambiguous or vague when using illocutionary acts such as expressives or assertives. In conclusion, the language, position, placement, and visual semiotics of the floor markings in relation to the social interaction order contribute to the increase or decrease of the symbolic capital of commercial establishments.

   Remarkably, these floor markers promote individuality, as they are designed to place one person in a specific space and time. What they failed to predict was there will come a time when the single would be preferred over the with, and doing nothing but wait would be the norm. According to Scollon & Scollon, “what the single almost never does in public is nothing” (p. 176) with respect to the socially marginalized people in socially marginalized places.

   This study covered only one mall in a city where capitalism thrives, especially during the pandemic. Future studies could investigate floor markings in banks, grocery stores, and other commercial establishments because now, we are suddenly aware of them. This sudden awareness proves that as humans situated in the material world, we cannot keep on ignoring the signs that are populating our environment. It is so easy to stay locked up in the comfort of our own homes while others suffer outside. Just look down; you might find that looking down does not always mean surrender.∎

P.S. Here’s my repository of photos if you want to see it.

References

Alattar, R. (2014). A Speech Act Analysis of American Presidential Speeches. Al-Adab Journal. 1-40. www.researchgate.net/publication/329452977_A_Speech_Act_Analysis_of_American_Presidential_Speeches.

Austin, J. L. (1962). How to Do Things with Words: Second Edition. Massachusetts, Harvard University Press.

Gergs, H.-J. (2003). Economic, Social, and Symbolic Capital: New Aspects for the Development of a Sociological Theory of the Market. International Studies of Management & Organization, 33(2), 22–48. www.jstor.org/stable/40397563.

Gorter, D. (2013). Linguistic landscapes in a multilingual world. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, 33, 190-212. DOI: 10.1017/S0267190513000020.

Hudson, A. (2020). Social distancing signs around the world show the new normal. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-socialdistancing-idUSKBN22K165

Lees, C. (2021). ‘Please wear mask!’ Covid-19 in the translation landscape of Thessaloniki: a cross-disciplinary approach to the English translations of Greek public notices. The Translator, 1-21. DOI: 10.1080/13556509.2021.1926135.

Lou, J.J. (2017). Spaces of consumption and senses of place: a geosemiotic analysis of three markets in Hong Kong, Social Semiotics, 27(4), 513-531. DOI: 10.1080/10350330.2017.1334403.

Oishi, E. (2006). Austin’s Speech Act Theory and the Speech Situation. Esercizi Filosofici. 1, 1-14. http://www.univ.trieste.it/~eserfilo/art106/oishi106.pdf.

Scollon, R. & Scollon, S.W. (2003). Geosemiotics. Discourses in place: Language in the material world. London, Routledge, 1-24.

Siisiäinen, M. (2000). Two Concepts of Social Capital: Bourdieu vs. Putnam. ISTR Fourth International Conference, The Third Sector: For What and for Whom? Dublin, Ireland.

Linguistic Landscape in the Time of COVID-19

Don’t look down: A critical analysis of speech acts on floor markings in Ayala Malls TriNoma