Not-so-fast Food: How COVID-19 Changed Our Dining Experience at Jollibee (A Linguistic Landscape Survey of Fast-food Signage in Munoz, Quezon City)

Not-so-fast Food: How COVID-19 Changed Our Dining Experience at Jollibee

A Linguistic Landscape Survey of Fast-food Signage in Munoz, Quezon City

Introduction

Causing an incessant scramble to adjust our lifestyles to a new "normal" set-up, COVID-19 has largely affected people around the world in numerous ways since the pandemic started in March 2020. To combat this crisis, governments have enforced several preventive measures and safety protocols which, unfortunately in the case of the Philippines, have been ever-changing and experimental.

Naturally, many businesses and industries have also been affected by COVID-19. Specifically, the status quo of the fast-food industry in the Philippines–the focus of this paper–proves the constant attempt to adjust to the needs of the people during the pandemic, their dining experiences for that matter, while implementing many protocols enforced by the government. Similar to what Lees (2021) discovers in Thessaloniki, businesses here in the Philippines primarily put up signs on their stores to simply communicate government mandates that are imposed on them. Consequently, these signs not only play a huge role in the current Filipino dining experience but also reconfigure the whole idea of eating in a fast-food restaurant. Hence, this study argues that the increasing visibility of Covid-related signs that regulate indoor dining experience has altered the “Filipino Fast-Food Culture” by drastically slowing down the physical ingress/egress of customers in fast-food restaurants—fast-food is not as “fast” as it used to be.

Background of the Study

Just in the recent past, fast-food chains were go-to places whenever people wanted to—as the name “fast” food suggests—grab a quick meal, have an after-school-or-work snack with friends, celebrate an occasion, and more. Yet, these usual reasons that Filipinos have for dining out are impacted by the current crisis. Rather, gatherings are not easily permitted, nor are after-school or after-work snacks relaxing or convenient to do because of the many changes in protocols entailed by the pandemic. 

In order to help in understanding the current state of the fast-food linguistic landscape and how it influences the dining experience in turn, it is vital to recognize some of the realities that either change or are changed by Covid-related signs in fast-food chains.

1. The pandemic has popularized (more) some unconventional order methods such as park-and-order, self-pick-up, and delivery-app-based orders.

2. The inconsistent and unpredictable government and IATF regulations on indoor dining largely affect the Filipino fast-food culture. 

3. More local food businesses with flexible dining options, albeit probably not totally compliant to government regulations, opened because of the pandemic. Strictly enforcing protocols, fast-foods that may no longer be too convenient are competed against by smaller enterprises that could cater to the food needs of the public without the need to adhere to stringent measures. 

Data and Methodology

All of the data presented here are photographs gathered between November 2021 and January 2022 from selected fast-food stores in Muñoz, Quezon City, specifically Jollibee, Mcdonald’s, and KFC—three large-scale and well-visited enterprises in the Philippines. Aside from being situated at the biggest and most populated city in Metro Manila, the research area is also specifically chosen because of its proximity to highly-congested places such as MRT stations, bus stops, malls, markets, other food stores, and even office and household areas.

The study follows a qualitative, “more mature semiotic approach in which signs themselves are given greater attention” (Blommaert & Maly, 2014, p. 3). In particular, the photographs here contain some of the directives found inside and outside of the said fast-food chains, which exemplify other comparable signs that are likely to be found in different fast-food restaurants all over the Philippines at present. This paper aims to analyze the manifestations of these directives through observation and primary research instead of a quantitative measuring of the frequency of the said Covid-related signs in fast-food establishments. 

Theoretical Framework

To examine how linguistic landscape signs reconfigure the whole idea of “fast-food”, a combination of Ben-Rafael et al’s definition of a Linguistic Landscape (LL) and Scollon and Scollon’s Geosemiotics is used in this paper. Firstly, Ben-Rafael et al. defined LL as: “any sign or announcement located outside or inside a public institution or a private business in a given geographical location” (2006, p. 14); the directives gathered and photographed evidently fall under this definition. 

Moreover, the analysis is grounded on Scollon and Scollon’s Geosemiotics and its three subsystems: interaction order, visual semiotics, and place semiotics (2003). Described by Scollon and Scollon as the study of discourses in place to understand meaning-making in the physical world, geosemiotics aims to interpret the interaction between the physical placement of the signs and how it provides social meaning in relation to our actions in the material world (2003). The approach is used to explore how the pandemic-related fast-food signages immobilize or “slow down” not only the fast-food industry in general but also the social actions or behavior of dining customers inside the restaurants.  Through visual and place semiotics, the visual elements and geophysical context of the signs—being located near highly-crowded places—would allow for an analysis of the social manifestations in an interaction order that takes place in these fast-food restaurants.

Analysis

The objects of analysis in this paper revolve around the hygienic protocols and safety measures being implemented in different food establishments. With social distancing and other protocols in place, the movements of customers are slowed down, as indexed by the strategic positioning of each sign in the fast-food chains. By serving as step-by-step guides to where customers should position themselves, the placement of the pictures, in general, demonstrate how the linguistic landscape controls the mobility of customers in fast-food restaurants. Therefore, I opted to group and arrange the signs according to the order in which the directives are encountered by customers—from when they enter the establishment to when they leave.

        A. Upon Entering

Figure 1. Notice on dining capacity posted on the door of Mcdonald’s

Figure 2. Notice on dining capacity posted on one side of the door of KFC

Figure 3. Another notice on customer limit posted on the other side of the door of KFC

One of the biggest factors that have largely reconstructed the Filipino fast-food culture is the irregular and unpredictable government and IATF regulations on indoor dining. So as to minimize, if not totally prevent, virus transmission, the Philippine government has required health protocols for dine-in operations, dependent on the "community quarantine" or "alert level" status taking place in Metro Manila. Ultimately, there has been a constant “push-and-pull” or "atras-abante" in dining guidelines, thus the inconsistencies on fast-food signages.

For instance, slowing down the whole dine-in experience of people is not only the limited number of customers allowed at a time but also the regular changing of whatever limit is given. What figure 1 suggests as “30% indoor dining capacity” may be reckoned unclear and unspecific by customers who encounter it. Coming from a large group, for example, customers may ponder: (1) how the given percentage translates to countable figures; and (2) whether or not the whole group can be catered to by the restaurant. In accordance with Kress and van Leeuwen's construct, Scollon and Scollon's description of visual semiotics relates to how the interaction order is visually represented in a sign or linguistic landscape (2003), as well as "how the placement of the visual symbol in space influences its meaning" (Whittingham, 2019). Nevertheless, despite the multimodality of figure 1, the picture of a person eating does not help customers understand the “30%” at all; hence the images in the first directive may be deemed ineffective. 

Therefore, unsure if they may be allowed to enter, customers may transfer to the next fast-food available, one that says “60% indoor dine-in” (figure 2) is allowed—or to any local food place with a much bigger customer capacity. These two signs, taken on the same day, represent the discrepancies among fast-food signages, which create confusion to customers—eventually slowing them down. Additionally, in figure 3, the number “40” is noticeably written with an erasable marker instead of printed fixedly; after further inspection of the sign, one may even get a glimpse of an apparent mark left by the number three (3) behind four (4), signifying that the limit was once different but has now been revised. Therefore, figure 3 is also a clear illustration of how the modifications in the fast-food linguistic landscape correspond to the unstable government guidelines in Metro Manila.

Next comes the issue of whether unvaccinated people and minors can dine-in or not. While figures 1 and 2 specify that dine-in is permitted only for “fully vaccinated customers”, this guideline has also repeatedly changed in the past few months—sometimes permitting entry to customers of all ages, regardless of vaccination status. All in all, the two guidelines mentioned above often result in customers spending, and eventually consuming, their time queueing outside of restaurants and/or showing their proof of vaccination before entry. This poses a problem to customers, especially to employees, who visit fast-food stores nearby their workplace to eat and finish their meals immediately but end up wasting a huge chunk of their time, their short one-hour break to be specific, lining up and following many hygienic protocols. 

Also strategically placed on the doors of Jollibee, Mcdonald’s, and KFC, respectively, the next three directives welcome customers as they enter the establishments. Spending a few minutes more of their time, customers familiarize themselves with the safety protocols in place so that they know what to expect and do before they even go inside the store. These signs hint at some more practices that contribute to the delay of the overall entrance and exit of customers in the establishment—stepping on foot mats, checking temperatures, sanitizing hands, contact tracing, and maintaining social distancing. 

In contrast with figure 1, the three directives (figures 4, 5, and 6), consisting of pictures that correspond to each safety protocol, are suggestive of the food establishments’ successful endeavor to capture their readers’ attention more. Supposedly embodying meaning, the images here are also “produced as meaningful wholes for visual interpretation” (Scollon & Scollon, 2003); the multimodality of the directives seems to effectively aid the customers in meaning-making—in visualizing and understanding the protocols—as the texts and the images do not overpower and instead balance each other. Hence, if pictures or texts alone are not enough, a combination of both may be a more effective medium in conveying the messages of Covid-related signs in fast-food establishments.

Figure 4. Notice on health protocols imposed at Jollibee

Figure 5. Notice on health protocols imposed at Mcdonald’s

Figure 6. Notice on health protocols imposed at KFC

B. Upon Ordering

As part of contact tracing initiatives, customers are obligated to either manually fill out a health declaration form or scan a QR code before they get to order food. As if queueing to get their orders is not enough, customers are first asked to line up in the contact-tracing spaces. This additional protocol that customers presently have to go through does prove to be a hassle. Figure 7, for example, raises the question, “Why is there a need to scan and accomplish two different QR codes?” On the other hand, assuming again that customers arrive in large groups, they also need to allot a portion of their time to answer these forms, as figure 8 indicates that the customer data slips are to be filled out “one per person” only. In fact, at present, several discourses already question the purpose and effectiveness of these forms and argue that these may primarily be a waste of time. The Senate Economic Planning Office of the Philippines, for example, regards contact-tracing as the “weakest link in the Philippines’ response to COVID-19” (2021) and claims that the activity has thereby lagged behind the other preventive measures. For that reason, until the contact tracing in fast-food restaurants and other establishments becomes strengthened, the process may arguably and simply be another factor that exacerbates the immobility of customer movement in fast-food chains.

Figure 7. Contact tracing area in KFC, behind the door

Figure 8. Contact tracing area in Jollibee, about three steps away from the door

 

After contact tracing, customers walk in and see a priority lane for app-delivery riders who cater to the online orders of other customers. As previously mentioned, the pandemic has caused the popularization of ordering trends like food-delivery-app-based orders; in order to try to have less interaction with people and be “safer” from the virus, many consumers opt to order their meals through these methods, thus affecting the total number of customers that fast-food chains have and, relatively, the number of staff that cater to dine-in customers. More staff preparing online orders means less staff accommodating dine-in customers. At the same time, as argued by Whittingham (2019), more customers at the store (for in-person, self-pickup, and delivery orders) also mean more cross-visitation to those who wish to dine-in until they see another less populated fast-food chain nearby. These occurrences, unfortunately, slow down customers all the more.

Figures 9 and 10 thereby show directives that point to where delivery riders should specifically proceed to. The use of the word “here” signals that these riders are set apart and prioritized in the stores. No matter how long the line for dine-in orders gets, regular customers are not allowed to line up “here” (figures 9 and 10). At the same time, as online orders for both self pick-up and delivery applications have ramped up, so have the wait times of dine-in customers. Since delivery orders are mainly put first, most of the time, the riders claim their orders quicker than everyone else in the store. Because of this specified area separating the riders from other customers, dine-in customers need to be more dependent and more observant of the linguistic landscape in fast-food restaurants.

Figure 9. Grab Food and Foodpanda area in Jollibee, in the middle of the store

Figure 10. Foodpanda area in KFC, just almost in front of the contact tracing area

        Then, more stringent measures are evident as customers are required to “practice social distancing” (figure 11) and stand on floor markings within a one-meter distance from others while queuing. Noticeably, dine-in customers are also asked to stand in their designated place “here”, as seen in figures 12 and 13. Evidently, by positioning customers in these particular locations, the floor markers not only determine how people interact in this space but also slow their movements down. Marked by the word “here”, the linguistic landscape assigns specific places for everybody—where delivery riders are more likely to receive a more swift service than the dining customers.  

Figure 11. "Practice social distancing" foot marker in KFC

Figure 12. “Stand here” foot markers in Jollibee

Figure 13. “Please stand here” foot marker in Mcdonald’s

C. Upon Dining

After undertaking all the previously indicated steps, customers are not given the total freedom to choose where to sit. The linguistic landscape controls them as well, as table markers, seat markers, and table dividers are rightfully placed in the establishments to ensure social distancing. Figures 14 and 15 illustrate how tables also provide limits to customers, i.e. a table that used to seat four is now available for only two. These measures give the customers more to consider, more to weigh, and more to spend their time on when dining.

Figure 14. Seat markers and table divider similarly placed on all tables in KFC

Figure 15. Seat marker on all Mcdonald's tables

    Eventually, after eating, customers are directed to clean their space or their table as they go. Before the pandemic, some customers would probably clean up their own mess out of courtesy and good habits. However, CLAYGO is encouraged during this time to possibly reduce the spread of the infection, so the crew would not need to touch customers’ used utensils. Hence, the dining experience in fast-food has become more self-service and more instructional, as seen in figure 16 below. After finally finishing a meal while observing numerous protocols, customers are, yet again, still required to follow one more step before they can exit the store.

Figure 16. “Clean as you go” sign in KFC

        Instructing and positioning customers at the store, the directives above make customers generally slow down their ingress, egress, and other movements when dining at a fast-food restaurant. The placement of the signs are all specific, well-thought-of, and meaningful, creating a social space that has become more procedural, rather than spontaneous. Subjecting customers to a step-by-step process, the directives simultaneously provide customers with more factors to consider and more hassles to undertake when eating at a fast-food restaurant. In the end, the signages dictate where customers go–wherever they are, so are the signs.

Conclusion

Fast-food is not as fast as it used to be. The pandemic has totally changed the fast-food dining experience and it may never be the same again, for what was once convenient has now become inconvenient to many people. Significantly, the reconfiguration of fast-food signs and the whole fast-food linguistic landscape establishes the idea that COVID-19 has slowed down not just our dining experience but, maybe, our lives in general. 

Recommendation

Given the continuously rising number of Covid cases in the Philippines when these data were gathered, it seemed necessary to distance myself from other people for safety purposes. Still, once the situation gets better, or when the nation has achieved herd immunity, it may be possible to take this study further by including interviews of customers regarding their attitudes and behavior when dining, as well as their perspectives of the fast-food signages around them.  

References

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Blommaert, J. & Maly, I. (2014). Ethnographic linguistic landscape analysis and social change: A case study. Tilburg Papers in Culture Studies, 100, 1-27.

Lees, C. (2021). ‘Please wear mask!’  Covid-19 in the translation landscape of Thessaloniki: A cross-disciplinary approach to the English translations of Greek public notices. The Translator.   https://doi.org/10.1080/13556509.2021.1926135

Santos, L. Y. & Yap, R. H. D. (2021). COVID-19 response: Strengthening contact tracing. Senate Economic Planning Office. https://legacy.senate.gov.ph/publications/SEPO/Policy%20Brief_COVID-19%20Response,%20Strengthening%20Contact%20Tracing.pdf

Scollon, R. & Scollon, S. W. (2003). Discourses in Place: Language in the material world. Routledge. 

Whittingham, C. E. (2019). Geosemiotics←→social geography: Preschool places and school(ed) spaces. Journal of Literacy Research, 51(1), 52-74. https://doi.org/10.1177/1086296X18820644