Examining the Ruptures of Social Interaction and Civic Responsibility: A Geosemiotic Landscape Study of Food Parks in the Philippines
Introduction
Over two years from now, the global health crisis continues to bring about sudden and massive changes within the levels of our personal and social lives, and to various aspects of the economy, particularly the food industry. The government imposed restrictions that forced several food establishments to either close down, restrict dine-ins, or partner with food-hailing apps such as GrabFood and FoodPanda. Following this, food parks, which traditionally brought together communities and small food businesses, were temporarily halted as part of the restriction on social gatherings.
It must be noted that food brings people together. It is part of a deeply rooted culture of feeding oneself and one another – either as a form of communication or a medium to gain social interaction. In fact, before the pandemic, food bazaar pop-ups would always be an ideal activity for most Filipinos seeking to hang out or satisfy their cravings and explore new dishes.
Going back to the pre-pandemic period, food parks were more common and hyped in notable malls like Ayala Malls and SM Supermalls. They would cater to food bazaar events, which are often themed and/or have live bands. These would usually be held for three days from Friday to Sunday, and their advertisements would be paraded all over social media. Most of these ads also feature a time slot from morning to evening, going as late as 10 pm. The demographic population of the market or audience of these food bazaars may range from children to working adults since some families may opt to visit them on Sundays. This is commonly perceived as family day in Filipino culture. In contrast, working adults tend to stay late at night, perhaps after work, to hang out and unwind. The places where these food parks would usually be found are often in the urban areas of Metro Manila.
Moving forward to the country's current state within the shackles of Covid-19, food parks only reopened once the restrictions were lowered to GCQ and MGCQ. Even restaurants and other food establishments can fully operate and serve. One of the most noticed and advertised food bazaars during this period was the StrEAT Market. It is also part of the research locale of this project, which features street foods. It has several pop-ups throughout Manila (i.e., BGC, Fairview, Las Pinas, Greenhills, Bicutan, etc.) Most of its popularity was due to word-of-mouth, as no official advertisements were released. Food vlogs and public Facebook groups for foodies were mainly how this bazaar became so well-known. However, as opposed to the pre-pandemic bazaars, the StrEAT Market was open from Thursday-Sunday and only until 9 pm at the latest. Also held primarily outdoors as per community quarantine guidelines requiring open spaces for the majority of social gatherings, it was still restricted by the imposed curfews (which differed per city or municipality), age restrictions (imposed either by malls or the Inter-Agency Task Force for the Management of Emerging Infectious Diseases [IATF]), and the social distancing protocol.
 |
| Image 1. Thumbnail Photo for Blog Entry |
With the instantaneous and unexpected changes during the Covid-19 pandemic, the situation calls for a “re-examination” of food parks in both urban and rural setups to further understand both overt and covert discourses reflected in these spaces. At the same time, the new normal transition has severely disrupted the linguistic landscape of food parks. Hence, nuances from these spaces can be discerned. This write-up then specifically focuses on exploring their geosemiotic features. This can also be an “ambitious” attempt to compare the three food parks involved in this project. Being differently situated, I assumed that the examined food parks were also way too distinct due to their respective locations (Quezon City, Taguig City, and Tagaytay City). Part of this assumption is that, they are treated as semiotic aggregates wherein their geosemiotic resources construct a dialogic interaction. This type of interaction reveals the current and social conditions of the commercials spaces explored. Hence, I argue in this project that the geosemiotic resources and their functions provide a rapid and small-scaled, yet, significant evaluation as to whether a certain food park effectively promotes civic responsibility in the time of health crisis. In particular, this blog content aims to answer the major question “How does the geosemiotic landscape of food parks in the Philippines reveal the conditions of social mobility and civic responsibility under Alert Level 1?” This main question is specified with the following subsidiary questions:
- What are the features present in the geosemiotic landscape of these food parks?
- What are the functions of these features?
The data of this project were analyzed and gone through a geosemiotic framework, which treats space as more than just a physical formation. Its notion can further be extended as a discursive platform to evoke meanings (Scollon & Scollon, 2003, p. 12). The said framework has three semiotic systems – the interaction order, visual semiotics, and place semiotics, which are assumed to be interconnected.
The first component system is interaction order, which refers to how people interact and establish connections with each other (Scollon & Scollon, 2003, p. 7). Conversation exchanges and order-taking in coffee shops are part of this system. Visual semiotics, one of the essential systems in geosemiotics, is understood as our perceptions of various meaning-making resources “within our visual fields” (Scollon & Scollon, 2003, p. 11). In wet markets, for example, the names of stalls, the prices of goods, and the numerical data in electronic weighing scales fall under this domain. Lou (2017) noted that visual semiotics may overlap with other broad systems “as interaction order and place semiotics can also be perceived visually” (p. 515). Although this may be the case, the approach of this project is not to distinguish the three components but to offer a multi-faceted analysis of the data gathered. Finally, place semiotics is the semiotic system concerned with the evoked meanings of a particular spatial organization. In the case of convenience stores, the said system involves aspects related to distance or spatial separation. Let’s say the position of a coffee vending machine from the shelf location of hygiene products. The invisible spaces or restricted areas are also part of this system.
For a more comprehensive grasp of the mentioned concepts above, you may take a look at the modified outline of geosemiotics based on Scollon and Scollon (2003, pp. 20–21) and developed by Lou (2017, p. 516), which is presented below.
 |
| Figure 1. Revised Framework of Geosemiotics by Lou (2017, p. 516) |
Under the dimension of place, semiotics is the central concept of “emplacement,” which situates the time and location of a particular sign or image in the material world (Scollon & Scollon, 2003, p. 142). The cited-above framework can then extend its applicability in considering a particular space as a semiotic aggregate. Scollon and Scollon (2003, p. 175) argued that “there are no spaces in the world which are discursively ‘pure.’” Hence, examining the notion of emplacement from the different interactional and physical spaces vis-à-vis their respective formations also contributes to unveiling multiple and dynamic discussions. In the project’s context, food parks can be considered ideal spaces that construct socio-cultural meanings and perpetuate converging discourses.
Finally, the analysis was backed up with pragmatic concepts. The interpretation of functions in answering the sub-question 2 is usually generic (e.g. to inform, to command, etc.), but in some parts of the analysis, I utilized Brown and Levinson’s (1987) four layers of face threatening acts: (a) bald-on record, which does not attempt to minimize the threat; (b) off-record, which uses vague language; (c) positive politeness, which shows empathy to the reader; and (d) negative politeness, which minimizes impositions. This framework was added to correlate the effectiveness between sign’s approach and consumers’ obedience towards the imposed rules and regulations.
Methodology
This final project primarily subscribes to a more qualitative approach rather than quantitative. As an initial comparative study, it is concerned with describing, interpreting, and analyzing the food parks’ geosemiotic landscape. Through the use of my mobile phone, I personally collected the data from the following food parks in the Philippines:
 |
| Figure 2. Locale of the Project |
Analysis
Food Park A
Figure 3 presents a set of signs that is most likely to occur even before the pandemic started. These are the signs that one would witness in the area if we were to remove the health crisis from the equation, categorizing them as standard features of a food park. The first image in the figure is a promotional sign, which advertises the upcoming “Black Friday Sale.” The sign’s emplacement in the perimeter’s barricades is a good marketing strategy because I observed that the lane always becomes busy, particularly during peak hours (4:00 - 5:00 pm). If we are going to look at the commercial space, it is near the terminal of buses, and it is surrounded by several malls; thus, many passersby can easily spot the sign. Since the place functions as a parking lot during day time, the second image, showing the parking rates, is expected. The third image bears the guidelines detailing “what is not allowed” inside the food park. Finally, the last image is the only top-down sign spotted in the perimeter, which prohibits drivers from “blowing horns” along the lane. The rationale behind this law is not explicit in the sign. But upon analyzing the dimension of place semiotics, I noticed that the nearby establishments are condominiums and hotels. This might be the primary reason the final sign exists in the area. While these signages were not part of the food park reconfiguration during the pandemic, their value remained essential to impose the necessary guidelines for food park operations.
 |
| Figure 3. Regular Signs of Food Park A |
 |
| Figure 4. Dual Function of Signs in Food Park A |
Meanwhile, barricades as a display platform for advertisements have been expected even before the pandemic period started. There were no significant changes except for Figure 5. It conveys that linguistic elements of signs are getting re-contextualized every now and then. One can quickly notice that the number 11, being patched in the presented figure, reflects that the end-time is not fixed and is constantly subjected to the government’s directives. The comparative word “safer” is also becoming a more notable lexical choice, which suggests that the area had undergone a vast revamp or restructuring to achieve a more guarded response to the current health crisis. Part of the changes was explicitly following on-site capacity limits to achieve more manageable human mobility.
 |
| Figure 5. Signs Posted on the Barricades of Food Park A |
Some of the newly added food park signs during the pandemic are compiled in Figure 6. We already encountered how the two signs (Exit and Contact Tracing Login) functioned during the daytime, but I noticed how the purpose of these signs changed during night time. Here, the duration of time serves as an indicator to reconfigure space and its geosemiotic sense. The commercial space transformed from a parking lot to a food park, and concerning the involved signs, from mini barricades, which then shifted to informational or regulatory resources.
 |
| Figure 6. Newly-added Signs in Food Park A |
While walking around the area, I noticed that the location of food stalls could easily be reached near the entrance in Gen. McArthur Ave., so I chose to enter there. Though the signs in Figure 6 (except for the third image) were captured in Gen. Roxas Ave., these were just the same signs that welcomed me when I first approached the area. Each entrance and exit of Food Park A has these signs.
In analyzing the Contact Tracing Login sign, a QR code was provided where people can scan through the “Kyusi Pass” app. This prominent feature has become a pragmatic element in the time of Covid-19, specifically for contact tracing to minimize the spread of the virus. The said sign also informs the people of the “Healthy and Safety Protocols” upon entering the food park. Still, it turned out to be outdated because, by the time the image was taken, Metro Manila was already declared in Alert Level 1. During this level, the use of face shields was nixed by the government. Face shields were only required during Alert Level 5 (also known as Granular Lockdowns). Hence, the Entrance Sign is supplementary to the former sign. Both signs possess a combination of order and instructive functions, and the statements are constructed with a direct approach to the reader. However, the tone was neutralized in the entrance sign’s last statement. This indicates a collective consensus and treats the community as homogenized and united. Using “please” on both signs also balances a “threat” to the face and reveals the strategy of positive politeness.
Figure 7 was one of those signs used to block a lane, but later transferred to a different spot to achieve its regulatory function: “to wear face masks” and “to observe 1-meter social distancing.” Compared to other signs, it has a landscape orientation with a red background and white text. The selection of red as a primary color can be inferred as a color stimulating hunger, but perhaps the management decided to pattern it with the color of Coca-Cola, one of the sponsor brands, in conditioning consumers’ food experiences. At the same time, the positioning of the sign can be considered strategic to remind the reader of the necessary things to bear in mind once entering the dining area. I also noticed that the material for the sign’s standee was made of metal, which implies permanence. The duality characteristic is again exhibited in this sign because it also functions as a partition to control the consumers’ movement.
 |
| Figure 7. Standard Repetition in Food Park A |
What also strikes me the most is the repetitive positioning or placement, including the occurrences of these red signs around the perimeter of the food park. Peckson (2014), in his study about driveway signs, termed this as standard repetition. He argued that the instances of this phenomenon must be acknowledged and positioned as a salient feature of linguistic landscape studies. In this case, the standard repetition becomes a pervasive feature to strategically impose necessary protocols for people to follow in the time of Covid-19. Beyond the expected adherence to these regulations, it can also be inferred that this feature is synonymous with persistence, where the owners of the commercial space already expected occurrences of violations from the consumers. It can be interpreted that standard repetition becomes a precautionary (or an exaggerated) measure to envision the worst-case scenario.
Extending this salient feature, it can be noted that before the Covid-19 pandemic, the giant Christmas tree in the photo booth area was considered a highlight every holiday season. Events were being conducted, and people would always visit the site to take photos. The standard repetition can indicate the area’s critical status wherein a crowd surge can be expected. The entrance signs further served as reinforcements to inform the consumers of the space’s maximum capacity. It can be inferred that this feature is correlated to a certain risk level of a geosemiotic space.
Food Park B
Similar to Food Park A (FPA), there are also typical signs unrelated to Covid-19. Figure 8 shows the samples of this type of sign. The first two signs in the figure are related to cycling. The sign “Bicycle Parking Only” informs the people that the space is only intended for parking bicycles and reminds them to “secure [their] bikes properly.” The second sign, on one hand, is a deictic sign that points to the location of the bicycle rack. Compared to FPA, we can witness the complexity of interaction in Food Park B due to the number of social activities a consumer can participate in. Social mobility is less disrupted since people riding bicycles can be part of the geosemiotic landscape. It can also be noted that bikes were encouraged to be an ideal mode of transportation. Aside from the fact that cycling is a healthier alternative, the lack of vehicles was a perennial problem during the imposed lockdowns.
.png) |
| Figure 8. Regular Signs in Food Park B |
Moreover, the third image shows promotional signs of “Christmas Spectacle”, which is situated in “Station 3”, and a quest for the “Christmas Trail” can be played and explored through the QR code provided. The presence of the social actor dressed in all white is considered a Venetian-inspired element of the commercial space since the Mercato Night Market is located inside the Venice Grand Canal Mall. In this image, the dynamics of the geosemiotic landscape is striking. Once you encounter the social actor, you might appreciate its presence first. You can drop a bill in the box to witness its act/performance or take a picture. From these probable actions, I found the juxtaposition interesting between the signs and the mime attraction because it automatically redirects the consumer’s fixation towards the two signs. However, at first glance, these signs are backgrounded. Lastly, the last image is a promotional sign, which displays the Sunset Market as an “outdoor food market” where one can “feast on mouthwatering food selections.” It can be noted that the closed space markets were discouraged during the onset of pandemic.
Only two Covid-19 signs are found in the area. The first one is Figure 9, where the top image displays the phrase “Social Distancing,” accompanied by the illustrations of two men separated with a line to emphasize the regulated proximity. The sign’s characters are model figures wearing face masks and shields. This illustration was further highlighted by the three varied icons found in the bottom image, which implicitly mandates “wearing of face mask and face shield at all times”. Similar to the signs in FPA, the said sign is outdated. There is a relatively massive difference in size, placement, material, and text. First, it is too small compared to the previous signs I presented. Secondly, the sign’s placement appears inappropriate from the consumer’s point of view because it cannot be easily noticed through eye level. The sign is also attributed to brevity, where the linguistic elements served as supplementary modes towards the dominance of visual elements like illustrations and icons. Its attribution to shortness more likely conveys the sign’s message through demonstration. The consumers are assumed to conveniently get the gist of the sign’s content by looking at the demonstrated visuals. Lastly, with its plastic cardboard material, standard repetition is again observed in this commercial space. All food stalls, occupied or not, have two of these signs.
 |
| Figure 9. Covid-19 Signs in Food Park B |
Figure 10 shows the floor markings present in the public space. With #socialdistancing, the said sign basically reminds the people to “Stand Apart” and “Keep Your Distance” (along with the icon of foot marks with an arrow) as a way to regulate social distancing and maintain vigilance inside the premises.
.png) |
| Figure 10. Floor Markings in Food Park B |
Food Park C
Figure 11 exhibits the standard signs that are assumed to occur in the pre-pandemic period. The top image of the figure is an example of a food stall sign bearing the name of the business in a round shape with elements of Christmas leaves and the presence of bells. The bottom image is a sign wrapped in an orange background, easily identified due to the popular name StrEat Market. The font play is evident in this sign because it has a different font for the word EAT, emphasizing that the area is a space of consumption. Some signs in the figure can easily be recognized for convenience as they display the range of food selections alongside their prices. The size and material of these signs vary from small to large and from tarpaulins to plastic cardboards.
 |
| Figure 11. Food Stall Signs in Food Park C |
In compliance with the government protocols imposed on all establishments, Covid-19 signs are expected to be present in the geosemiotic landscape of Food Park C. The commercial space is stationed inside Sky Ranch Tagaytay, one of the famous theme parks in the Philippines. The theme park’s location is a significant factor in the analysis because it is a popular travel destination among Filipinos. In sustaining the continuity of the operations, the company must then ensure that it explicitly adheres to the guidelines imposed by the Local Government Unit.
Figure 12 shows two Covid-related signs placed on the upper portion of food stalls. The left image is a well-designed safety sign produced in tarpaulin material. The design elements of the sign and its blue-dominant attribute can easily be recognized as a product of the Tourism Promotion Board (TPB). Hence, it is classified as a top-down sign placed in a commercial space. The two icons (man and woman) in the sign are additional features to the sign’s message, and the color red was used to emphasize the text “No Entry.” Moreover, the right image is almost identical to the left one. These signs are mostly similar, except for the social distancing text. This sign is also considered unique because it is the only bottom-up sign. It is also produced by a food stall renter, qualifying it as part of this (bottom-up) sign category. However, these two signs in the figure are considered obsolete similar to the previously analyzed signs.
 |
| Figure 12. Covid-19 Signs in Food Park C |
Figure 13 is another Covid-19 sign instructing tourists to “Maintain Physical Distancing” with at least two (2) meters. Similar to the previous sign, the present sign is also produced by TPB, which explains that the design elements are entirely identical. It is also considered an outdated sign concerning its temporal aspect because, in May 2021, the Department of Health only advises practicing one-meter social distancing.
Moreover, another notable feature that is present in this particular food park is the standard repetition. It can be observed that Figure 13 is present in every food stall. I assumed that this is one strategy to frequently remind and impose the tourist to follow the necessary protocols, particularly in the food hall area. In this case, space is reconfigured for virus containment purposes.
 |
| Figure 13. Standard Repetition in Food Park C |
As also produced by TPB, Figure 14 shows the floor markings present in each food stall. I found three floor marking signs in the area, but I was not able to capture a clear image of the yellow one, which appeared to be smudged, suggesting that it had been there for a long time. Hence, I focused on the remaining ones, where proximity is one of their distinguishing features. The right image’s floor markings are rectangular in shape with entirely visible text: "Please stand behind this line," which I assumed to have a 2-meter distance in between. On one hand, the floor markings in the left image are in round shape with a deictic text: "Please stand here with a feet icon." The distance between each sign is 1 meter, so I assumed the latter floor markings are updated compared to the former ones.
 |
| Figure 14. Floor Markings in Food Park C |
On the Conditions of Civic-mindedness
In an anticipated crowded commercial space like Food Park A, the textual features of the Covid-19 signs are reinforced with security guards at entrances and exits, which served as a marker of power to implement the health protocols imposed in the area. The standard repetition in the geosemiotic landscape further acts as a complementary resource to convey these directives. However, despite the functionalities of these resources, it turned out that they have yet to be very successful in implementing the rules and regulations, as observed in Figure 15.
As captured in the three images of this figure, social distancing (from entering the premises to ordering food and down to the dining area) is the most prominent infraction that was observed. Peckson (2014, p. 63) explained that “as a regime of sign placement, range or sign visibility is not what motivates proximal repetition” or even standard repetition. It can be inferred from this case that surveillance seemed pretty lax, and enforcers had a challenging experience in establishing control of the situation.
.png) |
| Figure 15. Civic-mindedness in Food Park A |
Figure 16 likewise shows the occurrence of infractions in Food Park B. While the social actor on the left side stepped on the floor marking as seen in the first image, the person on the right did not mind the gap. In this case, the social distancing of one meter needed to be followed. It is noteworthy to explain that the surveillance around the area still needs to be fully established. I have only seen one guard who was stationed in the exit area. This scenario is similar to the second image, where proximity among the three social actors tended to be extremely low. Suppose we compare the geosemiotic features of Food Parks A and B. In that case, the concept of bald-on record as a politeness strategy in the Covid-19 signs is minimally established through size, emplacement, and repetition. However, suppose these indicators are correlated in terms of effectiveness. In that case, it will turn out that the Covid-19 signs still need to achieve their purpose or functions, which involve regulating the necessary protocols expected or assumed from people. This attribute of ineffectiveness was also observed in the dining area. Understandably, you will remove your face mask when you eat, but the regulated distance imposed in this commercial space was highly ignored.
 |
| Figure 16. Civic-mindedness in Food Park B |
Lastly, social distancing has been numerously deviated when customers were lining up to order in food stalls. Similar instances with other food parks were continuously observed despite the imposed 2-meter distance. Figure 17 displays the images of the tourists who failed to observe social distancing during queueing. It is also alarming that the food stall renters or sellers became part of the violators, as seen in the second image. I happened to notice that the mask of the guy in a gray shirt was lowered in the chin area of his face while conversing with the other guy (though this is not explicit in the presented figure below since I decided to cover the faces of the actors involved due to data privacy).
 |
| Figure 17. Civic-mindedness in Food Park C |
Conclusion
Overall, I've examined the geosemiotic landscape of the three food parks in the Philippines, with a focus on analyzing the signs that emerged from these spaces. I've also identified the geosemiotic features and their underlying functions. These features were analyzed in terms of emplacement, orientation, strategically situated positioning, visual elements, size, and material.
Based on the findings, signs from the three food parks are relatively different due to their locations that dictate nuances of protocols. Since Food Parks A and B are situated in the National Capital Region, their emerging signs are identical in terms of the health protocols, but Food Park C has different regulations because it belongs to Region IV-A.
Narrowing the analysis, the signs in Food Park A are the most wordy, and possess overwhelming sizes with minimalistic visual elements. Having a combination of portrait-landscape orientation, the signs are made of tarpaulins displayed in a form of wood and metal standees. Moreover, Food Park B consists of signs that are relatively small with overwhelming visual elements. The signs in this area are also the least wordy and are made of plastic cardboards. In Food Park C, top-down signs dominated the space. Their sizes are adequate enough to be noticed, and the visual elements are sophisticated and well-balanced. In general, these features are constructing a dialogic interaction, considering food parks as geosemiotic aggregates. The project, therefore, affirms that the social mobility and the nature of interaction among the three food parks were heavily disrupted and geosemiotically reconfigured during the Covid-19 pandemic.
Despite the major differences observed from the three food parks, the major functions of their signs resemble each other. These include informing the necessary guidelines upon entering the premises, imposing directives pertaining to precautionary health and preventive measures against Covid-19, and promoting food stall names and sponsor brands. One of the significant similarities as well is the pervasiveness of standard repetition as a way of emphasizing the expected compliance among the consumers. This can be inferred as an aggressive or intensifying strategy to establish a full control of regulating the Covid-19 policies. However, it turned out that this salient feature from food parks were not effective due to the high occurences of violations captured from the data. Consequently, the identity of Filipinos as pasaway was manifested in the data by exhibiting consistency and continuity of flouting the regulations demanded from these commercial spaces. This prevalence can be interpreted as the public's dissatisfaction and a way of expressing resistance to the government's approach in providing solutions to the health problems of the country, specifically in implementing inconsistent safety protocols.
In general, the most obvious finding to emerge in this study is that, there is no significant relationship nor a significant difference between the geosemiotic features (be it on size, orientation, emplacement, materiality, etc) of signs and the civic-mindedness of consumers. The attributes of a certain sign do not impact the public's behavior, particularly in following the government's Covid-19 restrictive mandates on a commercial space.
--
References:
Brown, P., & Levinson, S. C. (1987). Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge University Press.
Lou, J. J. (2017). Spaces of Consumption and Senses of Place: A Geosemiotic Analysis of Three Markets in Hong Kong. Social Semiotics, 27(4), 513–531. https://doi.org/10.1080/
10350330.2017.1334403
Peckson, P. (2014). Proximal Repetition in the Linguistic Landscape. Philippine Journal of Linguistics, 45, 52–69. https://www.pjl-phil.com/article/2014/45/Philip-Peckson
Scollon, R. and S. Scollon. (2003). Discourses in Place: Language in the Material World. London: Routledge.
Comments
Post a Comment